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  • Olivier Medjo Ndille? Camerounais d'origine né dans la Région du sud Cameroun au centre d'ébolowa , M. Medjo est un ingénieur de conception en finances appliquées (économie) & Informatique. Diplômé à l'université of Applied Sciences col

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  • Meddenzel
  • Le Monde de la Finance
  • Homme
  • 11/01/1978
  • Germany Cologne
  • Olivier Medjo Ndille? Camerounais d'origine né dans la Région du sud Cameroun au centre d'ébolowa , M. Medjo est un ingénieur de conception en finances appliquées (économie) & Informatique. Diplômé à l'université of Applied Sciences col

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Dimanche 16 octobre 2011 7 16 /10 /Oct /2011 11:36
  1. Financing Africa: New hopes and continuous challenges

16/10/ 2011

Olivier Medjo

 

 

 

Financial systems can be apowerful tool for economic development across Africa. This column, which summarise a new report on finance in Africa, argues that in order to become such a tool, more competition, an increased focus on the necessary financial services, and more attention to demand-side constraints are needed.

 

 

Cautious hope is in the air for finance in Africa. A deepening of financial systems can be observed in many African countries, with more financial services, especially credit, provided to more enterprises and households. New players and new products, often enabled by new technologies, have helped broaden access to financial services, especially savings and payment products.

 

Innovative approaches to reaching out to previously unbanked parts of the population go beyond cell phone-based

M-Pesa in Kenya and basic transaction accounts, such as Mzansi accounts in South Africa (see Jack and Suri 2011). Competition and innovation dominate more and more African financial systems and for every failure there is now at least one success story. However, the benefits of deeper, broader, and cheaper finance have not been reaped yet. Finance in Africa still faces problems of scale and volatility. And the same liquidity that helps reduce volatility and fragility in the financial system is also a sign of the limited intermediation capacity.

 

While the Global Financial Crisis has not affected Africa as much as other regions of the developing world – a result of its limited links with the global financial markets –several trends, some of which started before the crisis, will contribute to the future structure of finance in Africa. Take first technology. Over recent years, the transformational impact of technology on financial-system deepening and broadening has become clear. With over 13 million clients in

Kenya M-Pesa is the world’s most widely used telecom-led mobile money service and other countries across the continent are seeing similar success stories(Jack and Suri 2011). The success of cell phone-based banking has also shown the possibility of increasing financial inclusion through a transaction-base rather than credit-based approach.

here also has been an increasing trend towards regional integration within the continent over the past years, though this trend started well before 2007. South African, Nigerian, Moroccan, and Kenyan banks are rapidly expanding their operations in the region. Steps towards economic and financial integration within East Africa are moving ahead and there is increased cooperation in other subregions of the continent. This comes in addition to broader trends in the global financial system, with a shift of weights away from the North (G7) towards the East (especially China and India) and South (to the G20). In the context of globalisation, the BRIC countries, especially China,India, but more recently also Brazil, have played an increasingly importan

role in Africa.

 

The new environment – globalisation, regionalisation, and technology - offer new challenges but also new opportunities for financial sectors across the region. A forthcoming joint publication by the African Development Bank, the German Federal Ministry for Economic Cooperation and Development, and the World Bank (Beck et al 2011) assesses these challenges and opportunities across three dimensions: expanding access to financial services by both households and enterprises, lengthening financial contracts, and safeguarding financial systems for their users. Across the three themes, we focus on three main messages as discussed in the following.

 

Competition is the most important driver of financial innovation that

will help African financial systems deepen and broaden

 

While in the industrialised countries of North America and Western Europe, financial innovation has acquired a bad connotation after the recent crisis, being associated with CDO, CDS, and other three-letter abbreviations, financial

innovation is more than that and comprises numerous new products, new processes, and new organisational forms. Recent examples in Africa include (i) mobile banking, ie access to basic payment services through mobile phones, even without having to have a bank account, (ii) the use of psychometric assessments as a viable low-cost, automated screening tool to identify high-potential entrepreneurs, (iii) agricultural insurance based on

objective rainfall data, and (iv) new players in the financial systems, such as micro-deposit taking institutions, and cooperation between formal and informal financial institutions. However, financial innovation can only happen in a competitive environment.

Competition, in this context, is broadly defined and encompasses an array of policies and actions. On the broadest level, it implies a financial system that is open tonew types of financial service providers, even if they are non-financial

corporations. It allows the adoption of new products and technologies. The example of cell phone–based payment systems across the continent is one of the most powerful illustrations in this category. To achieve more competition

in smaller financial systems, more emphasis has to be placed on regional integration. Within the banking system, competition implies low entry barriers for new entrants, but also the necessary infrastructure to foster

competition, such as credit registries that allow new entrants to draw onexisting information. However, this might also mean more active government involvement by, for example, forcing banks to join a shared payment platform

or contributing negative and positive information to credit registries. While it is important to stress that the focus on innovation and competition should not lead to the neglect of financial stability, there has been a tendency in

many African countries to err too much on the side of stability.

 

There is a need to focus more on financial services and less on specific institutions

While most of the analysis and policy recommendations focus traditionally on specific institutions or markets, we care primarily about the necessary financialservices and, only in the second instance, about the institutions or markets that provide the services. Africa’s financial systems are heavily bank-based, in line with their level of financial and economic development. Capital markets are small and – where they exist – mostly illiquid. Contractual savings institutions, such as insurance companies and private pension funds, are underdeveloped and often poor managed and supervised.There is a need to diversify financial systems away from a heavily bank-dominated system, but it is also important to recognise that artificially creating certain components of the financial system without the necessary demand and infrastructure will have limited economic benefits.

Banks are and will continue for a long time to be the most important component of African finance, but if non-banks are better at providing certain financial services,they should be allowed to do so. If the small economies of Africa cannot sustain organised exchanges, the emphasis should be placed instead on alternative sources of equity finance, such as private-equity funds. If the local economy is not sufficiently large to sustain certain segments of a

financial system, then the importation of such services should be considered,eg, in the form of regional stock exchanges and listing. One size does not fit all; smaller and low-income countries are less able than larger and

middle-income countries to sustain a large and diversified financial system and might have to rely more heavily on international integration.

 

There is a need for increased attention to the users of financial services

While the focus has been on supply-side constraints, partly driven by data availability, a more prominent focus of analysis and policy should be on the (potential)users of financial services. Turning unbanked enterprises and households into a bankable population and ultimately banked customers involves more than pushing financial institutions down-market. Achieving such a change requires financial literacy, that is, knowledge about products and the capability to make good financial decisions among households and enterprises (Jappelli and Padula 2011). It also means that non-financial constraints must be addressed, such as the business environment and access to markets, most prominently in agriculture. It includes a stronger emphasis on equity financing for often overleveraged enterprises. It also includes a consumer-protection framework, which includes (i) consumer disclosure that is clear, simple, easy to understand, and comparable; (ii) prohibitions on business practices that are unfair, abusive, or deceptive; and (iii) efficient and easy-to-use recourse mechanisms.

 

All financial-sector policy is local

 

Africa’s problem has not been in the choice of the ‘solutions’ but rather, the direction and quality of their application to local circumstances, and the failure to build or scale up home-grown solutions. Unless there are changes in the politics of financial reforms in Africa, even the recent opportunities of globalisation,technology, and regional integration will suffer the same fate as others that once promised to resolve Africa’s financial constraints.

While modernisation represents the bedrock of any credible vision for national financial sectors,

whether in Africa or elsewhere, the problem has been the application of the modernist agenda on the primary premise that modernisation is equivalent to “best practice” of the advanced market economies. Unless policymakers and development partners that work with them deliberately redefine progress in financial-sector development to suit local African conditions, the modernist agenda will continue to overreach in Africa. In the end, all financial-sector policy is local.

 

Par Meddenzel - Publié dans : Medjo
Mardi 16 août 2011 2 16 /08 /Août /2011 05:54

Argentina and Greece: More similarities than differences in the initial conditions

 

 

Zürich 11 August 2011

Medjo


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A decade ago Argentina was in the midst of a severe economic crisis. This column argues that the episode offers lessons for the Eurozone today, particularly Greece. It claims that there are more similarities than differences.

 

The parallels between the sagas of Argentina and the Eurozone are important and instructive. Cavallo (2011) has broached the issues; here I offer an alternate view of the lessons for Europe. This is based on my somewhat different view of the key flaws that led to the demise of Argentina’s experiment with a currency board.

While the analogy with Argentina in its turn-of-the-century crisis is closest with respect to Greece, aspects of the fatal flaws that brought down Argentina’s currency regime are shared by all of the Eurozone members.

  • Argentina’s banking sector was heavily dollarised.
  • Its lender of last resort—Argentina’s central bank—did not have sufficient dollars to maintain the liquidity of the banking system in case of a panic.
  • Neither the government nor the central bank could borrow in the international markets to obtain additional foreign currency.

When an external shock hit—a shock that would normally require devaluation—the lack of exchange-rate flexibility combined with the lack of confidence-assuring backstop facilities (lender of last resort or government bank bailout) triggered a cycle of fear and bank withdrawals. The economy slipped into recession, attempts at austerity just made things worse, and eventually the banking system and the currency board collapsed. Argentina defaulted on its national debt and suffered a severe recession.

How different is the situation in Europe today?

  • Eurozone banks are entirely euro-ised.
  • It has a lender of last resort—the ECB—which has the ability to provide unlimited liquidity, though often times it has been hesitant to do it.
  • Some of the national governments lack the fiscal room to bailout their large banks directly (eg when Ireland did it in 2008, the country itself needed an IMF bailout).
  • Normal devaluation is ruled out by participation in the Eurozone.
  • Some Eurozone nations are in recession.

How Argentina struggled with its crisis

Argentina tried to avoid default, first by resorting to a large financial package from the multilateral institutions (the so-called “shield” or blindaje) and then by implementing a debt mega-swap which included most of the debt held by banks. Argentina tried in vain to restore its competitiveness through domestic deflation, and to improve solvency by improving the fiscal accounts in the midst of a recession.

In the end, none of these efforts worked and the country faced its worst economic and financial crisis ever.

Greece is now attempting the same things. So far things are not going well. Greece has so far received two large financial assistance packages (the equivalent of the shield) and is now negotiating the equivalent of the mega-swap (the 21 July 2011 private-sector participation scheme).

Will Greece end up like Argentina?

Greece seems to be following Argentina’s steps very closely. Is it likely to end up the same way?

Before jumping to conclusions, it is useful to highlight the differences.

  • One difference that favours Greece is its membership in the EU, which has been supporting Greece to avoid contagion to other member countries.

In Argentina, by contrast, the IMF and the international community favoured a financial collapse as it would teach a lesson to reckless investors and address moral hazard issues.

  • A second difference is that Greece has a lender of last resort, the ECB, which can in theory print as many euros as it wants; this is an important deterrent of bank runs.

That was not the case in Argentina, where the US Federal Reserve was not willing to assist Argentina while the IMF did not have enough financial resources to do so.

On the other hand, the parallels between the two countries are startling.

  • Both of them suffered severe recessions, large increases in the rate of unemployment, and overvalued currencies.
  • The fundamentals got out of line in both – but the imbalances are much, much larger for Greece than they were for Argentina.

For instance, the current account and budget deficits, as well as the debt burden, are roughly three times larger in Greece today than those of Argentina prior to the crisis.

  • Another similarity is that neither of the two countries could resort to a depreciation of the currency in order to restore competitiveness or to improve the fiscal balance—in Argentina because it had a currency board and a strong commitment to the fixed exchange rate; in the case of Greece because it lacks a currency altogether.
  • A third similarity was the insistence on fiscal adjustment to restore long-term solvency.

In Argentina the government announced numerous packages, which were often part of IMF programmes (one of them even included a law passed by Congress just three months prior to the final collapse that required a balanced budget).

The problem with this approach was always the same. The fiscal contraction failed to restore confidence. It made the recession worse, thereby reducing tax revenues. The reaction was to embrace more draconian austerity which deepened the recession and further cut tax receipts. This was a vicious circle with no way out.

Argentina’s fundamental problem

The fundamental problem was that the fiscal adjustments did not—as had been expected—restore solvency and investor confidence, just the opposite. Something similar is happening today in Greece, where fiscal austerity is failing to restore confidence and is making the recession worse.

In the end, investors know that growth is the only way to get out of the debt trap and it does not seem that it will happen through reductions in government expenditures or increases in taxes. Deflation is not happening either, and therefore the big question is how and when Greece can grow.

Lesson for the Eurozone

What lessons can we draw from the Argentine experience?

  • A first lesson is that reductions in the fiscal deficit through decreases in nominal expenditures or increases in taxes in the midst of a recession do not work—austerity just makes the recession worse.

Prior to the crisis, the Argentine government announced, and in some cases managed to put in place, a number of fiscal packages that included cuts in expenditures and/or increases in taxes. In the end none of them worked. The implications for Greece are clear. Trying to improve the fiscal accounts in a recession is an impossible job, especially if the country is not expected to grow. This is likely to become a protracted process that will be difficult to maintain. In the end, in the case of Argentina, it was derailed by social and political unrest.

  • The second lesson is that when the public sector is large and there are powerful unions, it is extremely difficult to correct an overvalued currency through deflation.

In fact, there are very few examples in recent decades of economies that have managed to achieve the real depreciation through reductions in domestic wages and prices. In Argentina it was possible to reduce wages in the private sector, but it became almost impossible when the government tried to reduce public sector wages or pensions.

  • A third lesson is that a devaluation in a dollarised economy (euro-ised in the case of Greece) can be problematic as it can lead to significant balance-sheet problems that need some form of government intervention.

While a real depreciation can improve the trade and fiscal accounts (the effect on the flows), it is expected to have adverse effects on debtors.

In Argentina the government tried to mitigate this adverse effect through the forceful conversion of most financial assets and liabilities that were denominated in dollars into pesos at the old parity (this is now widely known as the “pesification”). This policy was widely criticised because it definitely affected property rights—the exchange rate that was used to convert the assets and liabilities was arbitrary and implied excessively large transfers of wealth from creditors to debtors. What is clear, though, is that large depreciations require government policies to limit the effects on debtors in order to avoid widespread bankruptcies in the economy.

  • A fourth lesson is that non-convertible quasi-currencies (QCs) can be a roundabout away to restore a limited degree of monetary and exchange rate policies.

The provinces that were facing severe fiscal problems and could not issue debt in the capital markets ended up printing the so-called QCs to pay wages and other expenditures. These quasi-currencies were used to pay current expenditures such as wages and the purchase of goods and services. They were in fact debt instruments that looked like peso bills, and were used in daily transactions and to pay provincial taxes. Most of the provincial QCs traded at a discount over the peso.

The QCs helped to limit the recessionary effects of the financial constraints, as they provided liquidity and provided financing to sub-national governments for whom the only alternative would have been to go into arrears. Most of the provincial QCs traded at a discount, so in effect the provinces managed to generate a depreciation relative to the peso.

The QCs could eventually become an alternative for countries like Greece, who have lost access to the voluntary debt markets and have an overvalued currency. It is perhaps the only way to temporarily achieve a depreciation while staying in the Eurozone. It would imply a dual currency system (i.e. the co-existence of the euro and say the drachma), which can perhaps be useful in a transition while the country deals with the debt problems and improves it long-term competitiveness.

The working of a dual currency system is not easy though, especially because it can create problems in the banking system, and the extent to which the new currency depreciates relative to the euro can affect the ability of firms and individuals to pay the loans denominated in euros.

Conclusion

The Argentine crisis suggests that unless Greece takes major steps to improve its competitiveness and growth prospects, the country has little hope to get out of this crisis unscathed. However, due to the extent to which its banks continue to get access to financing from the ECB, and to which the EU is still willing to rollover its debt, there is not an obvious trigger for a currency or debt crisis, and the current situation could linger for quite a long time.

Par Meddenzel - Publié dans : Medjo
Mercredi 13 avril 2011 3 13 /04 /Avr /2011 18:24

International macro-finance

Olivier Medjo
15 February 2011

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International macro-finance is a new area of open economy macroeconomics that brings portfolio choice and asset pricing considerations into models of international macroeconomics. This column argues that the recent global crisis illustrates just how important these considerations are. It surveys recent developments in international macro-finance and suggests several promising directions for future research.

 

Financial markets and their role in international risk sharing have inspired a vast body of theoretical literature. Over the past 40 years, international finance and economics has evolved into a vibrant field spreading from the basic international version of the capital asset pricing model to some of the most sophisticated dynamic stochastic general equilibrium models.

Curiously, however, the research effort in economics has evolved almost in parallel with that in finance. In economics, the main focus has been on real quantities and international relative prices such as consumption, investment, current account, terms of trade and exchange rates. Meanwhile, international portfolio choice and international equity markets have been largely overlooked. Indeed, the asset structure of these models has been mostly of two types: either the only asset is an international bond and markets are incomplete, or there is a full set of Arrow-Debreu securities and markets are complete.

Both approaches have been very useful, but they cannot address many questions pertaining to portfolio problems and to the international equity markets. Finance, on the other hand, has focused more on cross-country portfolio allocations and asset prices. Terms of trade and hence exchange rates have been largely overlooked because the majority of the models featured a single-good framework, in which forces of arbitrage equate terms of trade to unity. Models with endogenous portfolio selection, equity prices and time-varying terms of trade and exchange rates in a single framework have been quite rare.

Although we have learned a tremendous amount from this research, in recent years two main phenomena have required a redefinition of the agenda behind the theories of financial markets in the international context:

  • Contagion among developed and relatively unconnected countries.

Contagion refers to the transmission of crises from one country to another. Prominent examples of this phenomenon include the 1997 Asian crisis, the 1998 Russian crisis, and the subprime mortgage crisis of 2007-2008. Policymakers are now worried about contagion that could be sparked by possible Greek default. It is difficult to address this phenomenon within standard macro models. Indeed, the turmoil is thought to be transmitted, most likely, through the financial sector, which is missing from these models.

  • The role that asset prices and exchange rates play in the global imbalances
  • The second significant development that has influenced the literature has been the unprecedented rise in external deficits in many developed nations, which has sparked a discussion about sustainability and the possible dramatic unravelling of global imbalances (with Nouriel Roubini making particularly striking predictions).

The rise in external deficits, however, came hand-in-hand with the explosion in cross-border risky asset holdings. Before 1985, the US held virtually no foreign equities; nowadays, foreign equities account for a large and growing part of the country's assets. Following influential work of Lane and Milesi-Ferretti (2001) and Gourinchas and Rey (2007), it has become clear that (unrealised) capital gains on these equity positions are missing from national accounts. The alarming current-account deficits worldwide may then be simply due to this misreported income from equity positions. Today an extremely active literature, both empirical and theoretical, is trying to better understand how the capital gains on foreign equity positions, or the so-called valuation effects, affect our thinking about the current account and the external adjustment process.

Unfortunately, most of the existing international macro models are not well-suited for dealing with these issues because they are missing equity markets and portfolio choice. A new and rapidly growing strand of literature, commonly known as international macro-finance, is trying to fill this gap. This new generation of macro models provides a redefinition of the current account (adjusted for capital gains on equity holdings) and modifies the standard theories of the current account. More generally, this research programme focuses on the interaction between the financial sector and the real economy, and as such can address a wide spectrum of issues such as contagion, composition of international portfolios, valuation effects, and others.

The modelling framework

The framework that has become the core of international macro-finance consists primarily of general equilibrium asset-pricing models with multiple goods. The richness of this framework comes at a cost: most of the macro-finance models are quite complex. Problems involving portfolio choice are particularly difficult to analyse because for these problems standard first-order approximation methods cannot deliver desired results. Engel and Matsumoto (2006), Devereux and Sutherland (2010), and Tille and van Wincoop (2010) have developed an approach based on higher-order approximations around a deterministic steady state. It is a powerful technique. However, its disadvantage is that to this day little is known about the behaviour of these economies away from the deterministic steady state, where the underlying volatilities are not small.

Another strand of the macro-finance literature simplifies the models and seeks to find exact solutions. The main advantage of this approach is that the economy can be analysed away from the steady state, but the disadvantage is that solutions only exist in few special cases. An early work that presents one of such special cases is Helpman and Razin (1978). Their setup has been developed further by a number of authors, including Cole and Obstfeld (1991) and Pavlova and Rigobon (2007). These papers consider pure-exchange economies in which a representative agent in each country has log-linear preferences. In recent years the literature has made progress extending the setup beyond log-linear preferences. The solution is especially simple in complete markets, but the models remain tractable even in the presence of market frictions (for an elaboration and references).

In January 2010, the Journal of International Economics ran a special issue on international macro-finance. This collection of works gives an excellent overview of the latest contributions to this field and provides further references.

Next steps: Areas for further research

Although we have learned a great deal from this strand of research, many questions remain open. In order to tackle more ambitious questions raised by the data and current events, the existing models certainly require improvements along several dimensions.

  • First, the discussion of global imbalances, current account sustainability, and, more generally, of international portfolios and risk sharing requires the introduction of market incompleteness into the story. This direction is important not only because markets are generally believed to be incomplete, but also because there is no role for policy under complete markets (an allocation is already Pareto efficient). Having incomplete markets adds a layer of methodological complexity (we provide details in Pavlova and Rigobon 2010). In his Ohlin lecture, Maurice Obstfeld remarks that “portfolio choice under incomplete markets is largely terra incognita.” Developing such models and understanding their workings constitutes frontier research in international macroeconomics these days.
  • Second, many models that have been developed in international macro-finance so far feature pure-exchange economies. This view of production is too simplistic. The natural next step is to include factors of production into these asset pricing models. Labour market considerations such as effort and unemployment, as well as investment, are important elements through which the real economy and financial markets interact with each other.
  • Third, our models are missing a full-fledged financial sector, the importance of which has been underscored by a series of recent contagious crises. The first step could be to model the financial inefficiencies stemming from the organisational structure of the financial sector in reduced-form – for example, in the form of financial constraints on certain market participants (e.g., margin constraints), which may prevent them from supplying liquidity at times when it is needed the most. The next step would then be to introduce agency problems and endogenise these constraints. The fact that constraints on traders that we observe in the real world tend to bind at the same time, normally in bad times, can emerge as one of the leading explanations of contagion and as a channel of propagation of systemic risk.
  • Finally, as our models get progressively more complicated, we will need to rely on numerical methods. The literature is now testing the appropriateness of higher order approximation methods, with the approximations taken around a deterministic steady state. Perhaps even more complex methods (finite-element methods or projection methods) are required.

The field of international macro-finance is a new and active area of research. There are many ways in which one can push its frontier. Here we have highlighted just several possible promising directions. We are sure that there are many more.

Par Meddenzel - Publié dans : Medjo
Mercredi 13 avril 2011 3 13 /04 /Avr /2011 18:18

Do we need big banks?

Olivier Medjo
13 april 2011

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Today's big banks are enormous. By 2008, 12 banks worldwide had liabilities exceeding $1 trillion. This column, using data on banks from 80 countries over the years 1991-2009, provides new evidence on how large banks differ in terms of their risk and return outcomes and investigates how market perceptions of bank risk are affected by bank size. It concludes that policies should reward bank managers for keeping their banks safe rather than for making them big.

 

In recent years, many banks have reached enormous size both in absolute terms and relative to their national economies. By 2008:

  • 12 banks worldwide had liabilities exceeding $1 trillion, and
  • 30 banks had a ratio of liabilities to national GDP higher than 0.5.

Large banks tend to be too big to fail, as their failure would have hugely negative repercussions for the overall economy.

Saving oversized banks, however, may ruin a country’s public finances . Take the example of Ireland; this country provided extensive financial support to its large banks and subsequently had to seek financial assistance from the EU and the IMF in 2010. The public finance risks posed by systemically large banks suggest that such banks should be reduced in size.

Further evidence against big banks can be found from studies on banking technologies. Berger and Mester (1997) estimate the returns to scale in US banking using data from the 1990s, to find that a bank’s optimal size, consistent with lowest average costs, would be for a bank with around $25 billion in assets. Amel et al. (2004) similarly report that commercial banks in North America with assets in excess of $50 billion have higher operating costs than smaller banks. These findings together suggest that today’s large banks, with assets in some instances exceeding $ 1 trillion, are well beyond the technologically optimal scale.

The public finance risks of large banks and findings on banking cost structures together present a strong case against large banks. All the same, further evidence on how large banks perform relative to small banks is warranted to inform the debate on bank size. Additional insight is useful before one passes judgment on whether systemically large banks should be regulated or taxed out of existence.

Big banks vs. small banks: New evidence

In recent research (Medjo& Bayer 2011), we provide empirical evidence on two additional aspects of the debate on big banks vs. small banks.

  • First, we examine how large banks perform differently in terms of their risk and return outcomes.

For this, indices of bank risk and return based on accounting data are used.

  • Second, we investigate how market perceptions of bank risk, as reflected in a bank’s interest expenses, are affected by bank size.

Large banks may be perceived to be less risky on account of too-big-to-fail benefits, yielding lower funding costs for sizeable banks (see Carbó-Valverde et al. 2011 for example estimates). Alternatively, large banks are seen as more risky if they are too big to save, giving rise to higher interest rates.

These aspects of bank size are investigated for an international sample of banks from 80 countries over the years 1991-2009. These international data allow us to distinguish between a bank’s absolute size (as measured by the logarithm of its total assets) and its “systemic” size (i.e. how risky a bank is as measured by the ratio of bank liabilities to national GDP). The correlation between these proxies for a bank’s absolute and its systemic size is positive, but low at 0.1. Thus, it is meaningful to separately consider bank absolute size and systemic size.

Size matters, but is it absolute or systemic size?

The distinction between bank absolute and systemic size turns out to be important for explaining bank performance regarding bank risk and return. A bank with larger absolute size on average realizes a higher return on assets. This higher return, however, comes at a cost of higher bank riskiness. A bank’s absolute size thus implies a trade-off between bank risk and return.

The impact of systemic bank size on risk and return is very different. Systemically larger banks on average have lower returns on assets, but there is no discernible impact on bank riskiness. Systemic size is thus a liability, as it lowers return without an offsetting reduction in risk.

In practice, expanding banks see their absolute and systemic size increase simultaneously. Banks located in smaller countries, however, see their systemic size increase relatively more, with negative implications for risk and return outcomes.

Next, we investigate how a bank’s interest expenses are affected by bank systemic size. Systemically large banks, defined as banks with a ratio of liabilities to GDP exceeding 0.1, on average are found to pay interest rates that are 40 basis points higher, suggesting a “too-big-to-save” effect. Furthermore, the interest expenses of systemically important banks are more sensitive to the bank capitalisation ratio as a proxy for bank risk. This also suggests that systemically important banks are too big to save, and that they are subject to market discipline by bank liability holders.

This new evidence of market discipline of systemically large banks contrasts with earlier evidence, mostly for the US, that absolute bank size pays off. In particular, Kane (2002) and Penas and Unal (2004) report that large bank mergers create value for bank shareholders and bond holders, respectively, as larger bank size increases too-big-to-fail subsidies. In our broader international sample, we do not find any impact of a bank’s absolute size on its interest costs, but we confirm earlier evidence that absolute size reduces market discipline by a bank’s debt holders for a sample of just US banks.

Market discipline of systemically important banks, while it exists, has been ineffective in preventing the emergence of systemically huge banks worldwide. A main reason for this may be that bank managers, rather than bank shareholders, in practice devise and implement bank growth strategies. Bank managers may well benefit from bank asset growth through higher pay and stature, even when continued bank growth is not in the interest of bank shareholders. The phenomenal growth at individual banks that we have witnessed over the last several decades may thus be a reflection of inadequate corporate governance at banks failing to align the interests of bank managers and bank shareholders.

Policy implications

In the absence of effective market discipline on bank systemic size, public policy in the form of regulation or taxation is required to bring down bank systemic size (see Goldstein and Véron 2011 for a discussion).

  • Regulation can take the form of quantitative limits on bank size, or of other regulations such as capital adequacy and liquidity requirements that are biased against systemically large banks.
  • Taxation can similarly take the form of, say, levies on bank liabilities that are especially geared towards systemically large banks.

In the US, the Wall Street Reform and Consumer Protection Act (or Dodd-Frank Act) passed in July 2010 prohibits bank mergers that result in a bank with total liabilities exceeding 10% of the aggregate consolidated liabilities of all financial companies, but an earlier proposal by the Obama administration to institute a levy on the liabilities of large bank failed to be enacted. In Europe, the European Commission (2010) is proposing bank levies to finance national bank resolution funds. Such levies could easily be slanted towards large banks, at the national or EU level.

Evidence that market discipline on bank systemic size is ineffective suggests that bank levies on oversised banks by themselves are not enough to reduce bank size.

  • Corporate governance reform in the banking sector is also needed to ensure that market discipline and taxation can be effective.

In particular, bank managers should be rewarded for keeping their banks safe rather than for making them systemically large.

Authors' note: This column’s findings, interpretations, and conclusions are entirely those of the authors and do not necessarily represent the views of the World Bank, its Executive Directors, or the countries they represent.

Par Meddenzel - Publié dans : Medjo
Mercredi 13 avril 2011 3 13 /04 /Avr /2011 18:05

The trouble with the European Stability Mechanism

Olivier Medjo
13 April 2011

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The meeting of the European Council on 24-25 March focused on shoring up the battered Eurozone infrastructure through the European Stability Mechanism. This column argues that the mechanism is seriously flawed. It says it is unlikely to withstand the shock of a severe financial crisis and may even spread the damage to high-debt countries, while leaving the Eurozone in the grip of paralysing vetoes.

 

The war in Libya and the terrible disasters in Japan have diverted the public attention from the conclusions of the most recent European Council (24 and 25 March 2011). Most commentators have noted the limited scope of the decisions (such as Euro Intelligence (2011) and Münchau 2011 in the Financial Times). One might almost say it is as Shakespeare, "Much Ado About Nothing". Unfortunately, the decisions concerning the new European Stability Mechanism, the ESM, are about much more than nothing, and could prove detrimental to the stability of the Eurozone. Here's why.

Stability pact and the macro imbalances

Most comments focused on the measures aimed at strengthening the “corrective arm” of the Growth and Stability Pact (countries should reduce their public debt in proportion to the distance from the target of 60% of GDP), its “preventive arm” (countries should adopt national budgetary rules consistent with the objectives of the pact); and the proposals aimed at reducing macroeconomic imbalances, such as monitoring competitiveness and productivity growth issues are hardly mentioned in the summit conclusions. And for a good reason – the European legislative process on these matters is still ongoing, requiring the approval, possibly after important changes, of the European Parliament. The summit, however, decided about the ESM.

The European Stability Mechanism

Since June 2013 the new fund will succeed to the European Financial Stability Facility and to the European Financial Stabilisation Mechanism with the task of providing financial assistance to Eurozone members. This will be done through loans (conditional on adjustment measures) and, in exceptional cases, through the direct purchase of government bonds in the primary market. The ESM architecture has at least four major problems.

  • The first problem is that the endowment is too little too late.

The endowment amounts to €700 billion, which gives a loan capacity of €500 billion. Member countries will actually disburse only €80 billion, in five annual instalments starting in 2013. The rest will take the form of guarantees and "callable capital" (see also Buiter 2011).

"Too little, too late", one may say, considering that during the 2011 (and not in 2013!) the debt coming to maturity of Greece, Ireland, Italy, Portugal, and Spain, will top €502 billion, and that financial requirements of Spain central and local governments up to 2013 are estimated around €470 billion. The agreement provides for the possibility of accelerating payments should a crisis unfold before 2013. Yet delays may be uncertain and long, leaving the Eurozone’s sovereigns exposed to speculative attacks.

  • The second weakness lies in the funding system.

Because the new fund is financed by guarantees that will be called in case of need, rather than by an endowment of its own, the activation of the guarantees is likely to produce multiplier effects and contagion (see again Münchau 2011). 

Take Italy. For every €100 billion that may be necessary to "save" other countries of the euro, the Italian budget will be burdened by almost €18 billion (equal to the percentage in the budget of the European Central Bank), about one percentage point of Italian GDP, and this would occur at the worst possible time, when the markets would likely require high and rising interest rates.

  • The ESM’s third and very serious defect concerns the voting mechanism.

Unlike the IMF, whose decisions require a simple majority (of the shares), the ESM decisions of approving a loan, determining the interest rates and the terms of conditionality, require the unanimity of Eurozone finance ministers. Each country is effectively given a veto power on the Board. It is not difficult to imagine scenarios like the following: country G, which is in good financial health, trades his consent to lend to country I, in exchange for the latter consenting to adopt the very policy measure that mostly benefits country G (e.g. the increase in the corporate tax rate).

  • Finally, the statute requires that the European Commission should carry out an assessment of sustainability of public debt of the country, presenting difficulties in accessing financial markets.

If the European Commission were to conclude that a country is technically insolvent, then the ESM will provide a loan only to the extent that private sector will be involved. First note that, on economic grounds, if a country has difficulties in tapping the financial markets, it must be exactly because investors perceive it as insolvent, so it not difficult to imagine that the Commission will also come to this conclusion for most aspirant borrowers. While it is understandable to try and prevent moral hazard and not reward excessive risk taking, this norm may prove very damaging. Imagine what would happen if Europe were to declare today that all the countries (still) tapping European money after 2013 will default with absolute certainty in 2013 (albeit partially). This is exactly what this norm states. As of today, the markets will require higher yields on the new issues of actual and perspective ESM clients, precipitating the insolvency crisis. Just as is now happening in Portugal.

In short the design of the ESM presents serious flaws. The fund is unlikely to withstand the shock of a severe financial crisis (involving Portugal and Spain), it may accelerate and even spread the crisis to high debt countries, while leaving the Eurozone in the grip of paralysing vetoes.

 

Olivier Medjo

Par Meddenzel - Publié dans : Medjo
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